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Lets visit Chaco Canyon in NM from Manhasset Hills, New York. Based from the use of similar buildings by current Puebloan peoples, these rooms had been areas that are probably common for rites and gatherings, with a fireplace in the middle and room access supplied by a ladder extending through a smoke hole in the ceiling. Large kivas, or "great kivas," were able to accommodate hundreds of people and stood alone when not integrated into a housing that is large, frequently constituting a center location for surrounding villages made of (relatively) little buildings. To sustain large buildings that are multi-story held rooms with floor spaces and ceiling heights far greater than those of pre-existing houses, Chacoans erected gigantic walls employing a "core-and-veneer" method variant. An core that is inner of sandstone with mud mortar created the core to which slimmer facing stones were joined to produce a veneer. These walls were approximately one meter thick at the base, tapering as they ascended to conserve weight--an indication that builders planned the upper stories during the original building in other instances. While these mosaic-style veneers remain evident today, adding to these structures' remarkable beauty, Chacoans plastered plaster to many interior and exterior walls after construction was total to preserve the mud mortar from water harm. Starting with Chetro Ketl's building, Chaco Canyon, projects for this magnitude needed a huge number of three vital materials: sandstone, water, and lumber. Employing stone tools, Chacoans mined then molded and faced sandstone from canyon walls, choosing hard and dark-colored tabular stone at the most effective of cliffs during initial building, going as styles altered during later construction to softer and bigger tan-colored stone lower down cliffs. Liquid, essential to build mud mortar and plaster combined with sand, silt and clay, was marginal and accessible only during short and summer that is typically heavy.   Rainwater was captured in wells, dammed in areas created in Chaco clean's arroyo, an intermittently flowing creek that formed the canyon and Chaco Wash. The arroyo also had ponds, to which the runoff was diverted through a network of ditches. The timber sources that were essential for building roofs and higher-story levels were once plentiful in the canyon. However, they vanished around the Chacoan fluorescence as a result of deforestation or drought. Chacoans traveled 80 km on foot from the north and south to reach coniferous forests to the west and cut the trees down. They then dried them and returned to the canyon to lug all of them home. It was a difficult task considering that each tree had to be carried by several individuals and took a long time. Chaco Canyon's Preplanned Landscape. Although Chaco Canyon was home to a large amount of construction at a level never before seen in this region, it was only one component of the larger linked area that led to the Chacoan civilisation. There were over 200 settlements outside the canyon with great mansions, grand kivas, and the same stone design and style while the ones inside. These sites, although most common in the San Juan Basin were spread over an certain area greater than England's Colorado Plateau. Chacoans created a network of roads to link these settlements with one another. They dug and levelled the bottom, and sometimes added clay curbs or masonry supports. A number of these roads began in large buildings within and outside the canyon. They then extended outwards in beautiful straight sections. Chacoans moved to areas to the west, north and south that were less remote, as a result of Chacoan influence. The persistence of droughts, which lasted well into the 13th Century CE, impeded the creation of an integrated system similar to Chaco's. This resulted in the dispersion of Chacoan communities throughout the Southwest. Current Puebloan residents primarily in Arizona and New Mexico see Chaco as their ancestral homeland. This is confirmed by oral records that have been passed down through generations. In the second half the 19th century CE significant vandalism took place in Chaco Canyon. People ripped down large house walls and gained access to their chambers. In 1896 CE archaeological surveys and excavations revealed the extent of the destruction. This led to establishment of Chaco Canyon National Monument (in 1907 CE), which put an end to illegal looting and allowed systematic archaeological investigations. The monument had been renamed and expanded Chaco Culture National Historical Park in 1980 CE. It was added to the UNESCO World Heritage List for 1987 CE. Puebloan descendants can connect to the still place they expanded up in by coming back to honor their ancestors' spirits. The chacoans that are ancient constructed roads. Straight highways running through desert have been discovered by archaeologists. They run hundreds of miles between Chaco Canyon and Colorado, Utah and Utah. Some roads run from large homes like spokes on a wheel. Others follow natural terrain formations. One theory is that these roads were sacred paths used by pilgrims to get to Chaco Canyon or various other wonderful dwellings for ceremonies. Although archaeologists have studied Chaco since late 1800s it remains unclear what Chacoan society looked like. The following items were found at Chaco by archaeologists: ceramics with geometric designs for canteens, bowls or mugs; ladles for cooking, pots and pitchers; mugs and water jars (olla); black colored stone finger rings and turquoise pendants; wooden headdresses and whistles; stone knives and blades; stone staffs and ceremonial staffs; shreds cloth and feathered covers, metates for grinding. Cotton for textiles has also been a staple for the Chacoans. The Chacoans hunted and made pottery that is exquisite offer as offerings or for domestic purposes. Underground kivas were used to paint murals, while rituals could have involved dancing or music. Chaco traveled hundreds of kilometers to trade turquoise, shells and imported macaws. He also drank chocolate manufactured in Central The united states.

Manhasset Hills, NY is situated in Nassau county, and includes a community of 3615, and rests within the more New York-Newark, NY-NJ-CT-PA metro region. The median age is 44.8, with 11.3% of the residents under ten years old, 11.1% are between ten-19 years of age, 11.7% of town residents in their 20’s, 10.1% in their thirties, 15.4% in their 40’s, 13.3% in their 50’s, 13.2% in their 60’s, 5.5% in their 70’s, and 8.4% age 80 or older. 46.1% of inhabitants are male, 53.9% female. 64.5% of residents are reported as married married, with 4.1% divorced and 24.8% never wedded. The percent of men or women identified as widowed is 6.7%.

The work force participation rate in Manhasset Hills is 65.5%, with an unemployment rate of 1.7%. For all within the labor force, the common commute time is 37.3 minutes. 32.7% of Manhasset Hills’s populace have a masters diploma, and 32.4% have a bachelors degree. For many without a college degree, 16.6% have some college, 13.4% have a high school diploma, and just 4.8% possess an education not as much as high school. 3.5% are not covered by medical insurance.

The average household size in Manhasset Hills, NY is 3.66 residential members, with 96.4% owning their very own domiciles. The average home appraisal is $846280. For individuals leasing, they pay out an average of $2656 per month. 73.8% of households have 2 sources of income, and a typical domestic income of $175139. Average income is $61815. 1.9% of residents exist at or below the poverty line, and 6.9% are considered disabled. 1.6% of inhabitants are ex-members for the armed forces of the United States.